Resetting Sri Lanka
A new date now goes down in the history of Sri Lanka: 21st September 2024 the day of the presidential election. This is the date that reset the country—especially its political system. My relative, who is a political analyst, used the word “tectonic” to describe the change. The momentum triggered on this historical day led to an unprecedented political revolution on the 14th November 2024, the day of the general/parliamentary election.
A few years ago, I could not imagine such a significant change would ever come. But the people made it happen! In fact, when Anura Kumara Dissanayake, or AKD, was elected president on the 21st September, I told my like-minded progressive group of Sri Lankan friends—the WhatsApp group was named “Hope for a Major Change”—that this was the day we, the people, beginning to reclaimed our country. And that task was completed on the 14th November when the National People’s Power (NPP) scored an historic victory in the parliamentary elections securing a 70% majority in the parliament and surpassing an important threshold of having two third (66%) majority, which is required to make fundamental constitutional changes. One of these days, and possibly the 14th November, is more important than the so-called Independence Day of the country, when people “celebrate” independence from British colonial powers. Unlike in India, there was no popular struggle for independence in Sri Lanka; rather, the UK-educated local elite negotiated independence by piggybacking on Indian independence.
Since the 1948 takeover of political power by the Sri Lankan political elite, power oscillated between two mainstream political parties. Except for brief periods, these mainstream political parties are solely responsible for sending the country backward politically, economically, and socially. Democracy and the rule of law declined steadily. “Decline” is a soft word for what we see if we look deeper—a deep decay of all governing systems and the collapse of rule-of-law institutions. Sri Lanka held many elections over the last 30-plus years, but democracy was absent. Short-sighted, racist, and arrogant decisions by the political elite and leadership resulted in a 30-year civil war and two youth uprisings, costing hundreds of thousands of lives. Most victims were educated, rural, poor youth in both the North and South. Corruption among elected politicians reached unimaginable levels, eventually permeating government institutions and leading to institutionalized corruption.
Politicians entered politics not to serve the people but to enrich themselves by exploiting a corrupt system. These corrupt politicians established a “dependent system” that allowed them to survive and thrive. This system required the public to approach politicians for favors—such as obtaining a recommendation letter to enroll a child in school or secure a job. These political interventions, often in the form of “letters of recommendation” or directives ordering specific actions, led to unqualified individuals from politicians’ electorates being appointed to public positions. These appointments were made under pressure or influence through letters, phone calls, and meetings.
I know, for instance, a relative of mine who secured a job at a school without any qualifications solely due to political influence. And, in fact, just after my Advanced Level exams, when I was applying for jobs, my uncle told me it would be good to have a letter from an elected official to improve your chances of getting any job. I was about 18 and at that time I understood that this is something normal. When my uncle took me to the house of the politician in Ratnapura named Punchinilame, there were a lot of people waiting at the verandah to get such letters. We waited. A staff member came out and took my ID card. Then about 30 min later, he came back with a recommendation letter with the signature and seal of the politician. I never even got to see him. I believe a secretary used a template to type a letter and add my personal details saying that the politicians know me well and ask the authority concerned to assist me with the task, and in this ase to get a job. I do not know what happened to that letter. But, this experience was common and understood as nothing out of ordinary. Such practices undermined the merit-based system, where positions should have been filled by the most qualified and suitable candidates. Consequently, our public administration system became corrupt, ineffective, and inefficient, with unqualified individuals occupying critical roles. Politicians offered these “favors” in exchange for votes, fostering a cycle where citizens viewed voting as a way to secure personal benefits.
These favors extended beyond jobs to lucrative commercial contracts, such as road construction, sand extraction from riverbeds, soil removal from hills, and granite quarrying. Politicians awarded these contracts to friends and family, receiving substantial kickbacks in return. Cleverly, these kickbacks were routed through trusted relatives or friends, ensuring no direct link to the politician, thereby shielding them from potential inquiries. This created a web of corruption designed exclusively to benefit politicians in power.
Similarly, businessmen spent millions on election campaigns to ensure their preferred candidates were elected, anticipating future favors from public offices. While such practices are prevalent in many countries, including the USA, the extent of corruption in this system was unchecked, with no accountability for those responsible.
As a result, the public inadvertently became complicit in the corrupt political system. They believed they were electing politicians to address their personal needs, such as jobs or contracts, but in doing so, they became cogs in the machinery of corruption.
Public expenditure to maintain the government, especially elected politicians, consumed a large portion of the treasury. This was exacerbated by an ever-expanding cabinet, filled with ministers, deputy ministers, state ministers, governors, provincial ministers, provincial deputy ministers, and more. Recently, a former president (who claims to be retired) requested 150 personnel to manage his security! Political parties offered these ministerial positions as favors for votes. Elected politicians aimed to become ministers to broker deals and earn commissions. Many ministers, who once owned no property, became millionaires with properties in prime locations and luxury vehicles. It was disgusting to see.
All this changed on the 21st September. As of September 2024, Sri Lanka’s government is organized under a streamlined, three-member Cabinet structure to address pressing national priorities and maximize efficiency in governance. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake leads the Ministry of Defence, Finance, and Economic Development, combining defense responsibilities with key economic sectors such as finance, energy, and tourism. This centralization reflects the administration’s focus on stabilizing the economy and addressing debt challenges in line with IMF reforms to reduce public debt and inflationary pressures. Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya oversees a consolidated ministry covering Justice, Education, and Public Administration, including oversight of labor, local governance, and science and technology. Her role is essential for implementing reforms in justice, advancing educational quality, and strengthening public services—a response to growing demands for greater transparency and efficient governance. Finally, MP Vijitha Herath manages the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Environment, and Transport, combining diplomatic efforts with infrastructure, environmental policy, and public security. His ministry plays a pivotal role in aligning Sri Lanka’s foreign relations with domestic sustainability goals, as the nation balances diplomatic ties with India, China, and the IMF. This streamlined governmental structure reflects an effort to curtail expenses and direct resources toward essential public services while addressing the socio-economic needs of the country under significant fiscal constraints. This is an interim arrangement until the general election on November 14, 2024. But this interim arrangement was implemented efficiently without wasting public expenditure. This was eye-opening for the public, who had been led to believe that all the luxuries and perks of politicians (at their expense) were necessities. Suddenly, they saw that things could be done differently and simply. The three key ministers demonstrated this in practice, using non-luxury vehicles and only one security vehicle rather than an entourage with hundreds of security personnel and ambulances, as was typical in presidential and ministerial entourages.
Today, on the 14th November General Election (parliamentary election), NPP won by a landslide. I was up all night watching the results coming in. It was a complete political revolution. My friend Saliya Pieris wrote the following today:
The NPP has also made significant gains in the North and East which will enable the President to be a leader who can unite the diverse communities in Sri Lanka. The result will also pave the way for the NPP Government to quickly honour its promise to abolish the Executive Presidency. The landslide win is a testament that most people are happy with the direction of the country since the election of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, especially the change in political culture. However, the NPP must be wary of the pitfalls that come with great power. As the President himself had said yesterday, in the past political forces used a two-thirds majority to enact laws which violated people’s democratic rights. The NPP will have to resist the temptation to enact laws and measures which will erode democratic rights and freedoms. The new regime will have to manage the extraordinary expectations of the electorate who expect it to develop the economy, uplift their lives, control inflation, tackle corruption, address the issues of national reconciliation, enact constitutional reform and uphold democracy and the rule of law. The NPP leadership will have to ensure that its new and relatively inexperienced MPs and Ministers do not stray away from the principled positions that the party has espoused so far and that they and their supporters do not violate the trust that the people have placed in them. No doubt the NPP leaders will remember the fate of past governments elected by the people with large majorities. We must hope and wish that the new Government will be successful. Sri Lanka cannot afford for its Government to fail again.
Another friend, veteran journalist Sunanda Deshapriya wrote:
Sri Lanka’s parliamentary election results showed the unity among the country’s various ethnic and religious peoples in supporting President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s call for a clean parliament. At the same time, the election has also resulted in a weak opposition that could threaten the country’s fragile democracy. Various Sri Lankan communities see President Dissanayake’s political dialogue as a broad platform of reconciliation and authenticity. His reputation as a tireless campaigner against corruption, social inequality and economic mismanagement resonated widely across ethnic lines. Unlike many of his predecessors, who often invoked nationalism to strengthen their base, Dissanayake’s campaign focused on bridging differences between communities. He actively engaged with historically marginalized groups, giving them seats in decision-making positions and promising tangible reforms that prioritized social and economic equality over divisive rhetoric. However, this strategy did not occur in a vacuum. It was built on the foundation of many years by Dissanayake’s political allies in the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP or People’s Liberation Front) and aligned civil society organizations. (English translation of an original article written in English)
Resetting sounds easy. But pressing the reset button takes time to get the new system into effect. It’s almost like installing a new version of Windows on a PC: it takes time to complete the task as well as for you to adjust to it. During the process of installing the new version, you also need to get rid of all malware and viruses, which is a painstaking task. Similarly, the system change cannot happen within days or months. We are talking about resetting 70-plus years of habits and practices. The reset button will create an environment for system change, which must happen over a prolonged period. In my experience with effecting system change within criminal justice systems, it has taken 10 to 15 years for real effects to be seen. What is needed is consistent and persistent effort. After all, getting used to bad habits and practices is easy; correcting them takes much longer.
For the first time, I feel not only part of this change but also responsible for playing a role in supporting the NPP government to translate this political revolution into action. We, the people, have rescued our nation from an organized gang of shrewd thugs and thieves. Now, we must establish systems to ensure that none of these individuals can regain even an inch of power. Today, we are resetting Sri Lanka. But we will not be idle bystanders. We will ensure that the changes needed to steer the country towards prosperity are implemented with the participation of everyone. Democracy should be a participatory and ongoing process—not just electing politicians to make decisions for us between elections. From now on, I, along with my fellow citizens, feel responsible for actively supporting and contributing in our own ways to implement much-needed reforms. That is the beauty of the change we are witnessing today: it makes you feel part of the transformation and responsible for what lies ahead. This is a feeling I have never experienced before in my life.